They’re CCP United Front mobilization hubs operating unchecked in Canada & the U.S.

A new report finds Canada is more saturated than any other country.

By Probe International

Chinese diplomats in Canada have been covertly conducting “pop-up” consular events for the past decade, operating from unofficial sites in an effort to extend the Chinese Communist Party’s influence into rural areas beyond major cities, a new investigation revealed this week.

The report authored by independent researcher Sze-Fung Lee for the Jamestown Foundation’s China Brief, has uncovered 105 such events across 11 Canadian provinces and 22 cities dating back to 2015, involving all PRC consulates in Canada and the PRC Embassy in Ottawa.

Flagging a potential violation of international law, Lee notes the events occur in unnotified, non-designated locations across provinces, potentially without explicit Canadian government approval. This could be seen as unauthorized expansion of consular reach, especially since Canada has not publicly acknowledged or consented to these as official extensions. The report notes that while some events claim coordination with local authorities, evidence suggests this may be fabricated or limited to venue permissions rather than full diplomatic consent.

Held in non-official venues like community centers, hotels, and private spaces, the pop-ups are framed as providing standard consular services (e.g., passport renewals and notarizations) stealthily blended with broader political activities, such as United Front Work Department (UFWD) outreach for influence, mobilization, and potential surveillance among diaspora communities.

Operating in a largely legal gray area, Lee’s report argues the pop-ups likely violate or at least undermine the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (VCCR), which Canada has ratified and implemented through the Foreign Missions and International Organizations Act. The ambiguity stems from the VCCR’s provisions on consent, designated premises, and non-interference, which these pop-ups exploit under the cover of administrative services.

A particularly shocking revelation for Canada is that these activities classify the country as an extreme “outlier” in Beijing’s global consular strategy, with events being far more numerous and widespread here than in the U.S., where they are limited to major urban areas. Canada is also more saturated than other countries where PRC consulates have conducted similar events, such as the U.K., Jamaica, Japan, Hungary, and Tanzania.

In contrast to U.S. operations, which often focus on major metropolitan areas, Lee found events in Canada are aimed at provincial capitals and smaller regional centers, highlighting a strategic emphasis on influence operations for ideological warfare and United Front network building at a sub-national level. Lee highlights the highest concentrations of gray zone activities have occurred in Halifax (19 events), Charlottetown (14), and Winnipeg (12). Remarkably, 10 out of Canada’s 14 provincial and territorial capitals have been targeted, underscoring a deliberate focus on administrative and regional hubs. The exceptions—Ottawa, Toronto, Iqaluit, and Yellowknife—are likely excluded because they do not fit the sub-national United Front strategy; Ottawa and Toronto are major metropolitan centers, while Iqaluit and Yellowknife are too remote to make influence operations practical or effective.

Emphasizing significant resistance at the national level in Canada to PRC influence operations, Lee points to the detention of Canadian citizens Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor in China, revelations about overseas PRC police stations, and a public inquiry into foreign interference as the likely prompts behind Beijing’s tactical adjustment. By focusing on provincial capitals, Lee suggests the PRC is able to exploit gaps and enhance its United Front efforts in relatively under-utilized areas. From this perspective, sub-national initiatives can sway local and provincial decision-making while drawing less scrutiny at the national level. This strategy, says Lee, may also clarify why larger cities like Toronto are avoided; they already host substantial Chinese diaspora communities and established United Front networks that the Party can mobilize for more overt actions, such as counterprotests.

While the broader objectives of the Party’s gray-zone consular activities remain somewhat ambiguous, they clearly aim to strengthen United Front networks, asserts Lee. By expanding its influence in provincial capitals, Beijing could target a diverse array of political and strategic sectors, including Canada’s critical minerals, which are found in nearly every province.

The report concludes the PRC’s consular gray zone activities transcend mere isolated incidents and pose a significant threat to national security. The implications, particularly regarding political mobilization, are profound. Despite published research and media attention shining a light on these activities, evidence reveals that they continue to operate largely unchecked across Canada, the United States, and beyond.

Lee cautions this alarming trend unfolds against the backdrop of Ottawa’s re-engagement with the PRC under Prime Minister Mark Carney, raising pressing questions about the Canadian government’s awareness of these covert influence operations, including the troubling “pop-up” consular events on Canadian soil.

The report recommends that these activities be viewed as part of “a broader hybrid warfare strategy” that undermines not only Canada’s sovereignty and democracy but the very foundations of the rules-based international order.

Go to the publisher’s website here to view the full report: Consular Pop-Ups in Canada Advance Local United Front Work.

Related Reading

Beijing’s Consular ‘Pop-Ups’ in Canada Advance China Influence Operations: Report

From Illegal ‘Police Stations’ to Rolling Consulates: Beijing’s New Interference Tactic Expands Beyond Major Cities on Canadian Soil