How the CCP leverages and manipulates overseas news outlets to spread its influence and narrative around the world.

By Lisa Peryman for Probe International

A look at how the Chinese Communist Party influences public and political opinion in Pakistan through the creation of domestic media runs parallel to the CCP’s state of play in Canada.

In the Pakistan example, provided by China Media Project in its article “‘Iron Brothers’ for the China Story,” the launch of Huashang Weekly in 2016 reveals the creation of a vehicle to amplify the CCP’s voice to Chinese businesspeople and expatriates living in Pakistan, a long-time ally of China. Representing the only bilingual Chinese-English weekly officially licensed in Pakistan at the time, the publication was established on the heels of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015, which attracted a wave of Chinese investors and laborers to the country.

Spearheaded by Simon Geng, former CEO of Huawei Pakistan, with support from the Chinese Embassy, Huashang quickly grew to 10,000 copies weekly in major cities under the helm of Zhu Jialei, plucked as a cub reporter from Shanghai at 26 for the role of editor-in-chief. A closer read of Huashang‘s content heavily reflects official Chinese state narratives, partly due to its partnership (signed in 2019) with China News Service (CNS), overseen by the United Front Work Department (UFWD), the main influence arm of the CCP.

Notes China Media Project:

“Today, the partnership with CNS has deepened to the extent that Huashang Weekly seems little more than a vehicle—a borrowed boat—for the state newswire’s external messaging about China and its unalloyed positives.

…the content offered by Huashang Weekly complicates its role as a professional and credible information source. While the outlet claims to employ local as well as Chinese journalists, and says it provides “quick access to information about Pakistan,” its content skews heavily toward relaying the official narratives and perspectives of the Chinese state rather than providing the sort of original, on-the-ground reporting that might inform investors and businesses.” 

In the Canadian example, an emerging pattern of CCP influence in the country’s election process, political parties, diaspora communities, universities and multinational corporations has been exposed by an ongoing public inquiry into foreign interference led by Justice Marie-Josee Hogue, and the efforts of a few dedicated journalists.

One such investigative standout, Sam Cooper in this report on Beijing’s narrative hold, warns that CCP media operations in Canada are evolving into cognitive warfare, and aim to create divisions among Canadians over sensitive issues such as Indigenous residential schools. He quotes veteran broadcaster Ronald Leung’s testimony to the Hogue commission in reference to Beijing’s control over Chinese-language media accelerating the CCP’s election interference and diaspora repression campaigns in Canada.

Writes Cooper:

‘The control is deepened through the embedding of “pro-CCP” personnel in Canada-based media, the establishment of Chinese proxy stations, and the influence exerted over editors through advertising revenue and direct pressure from Chinese Consulate agents, who continuously lobby to ensure that news coverage aligns with Beijing’s interests.”

Also appearing before the Hogue commission, Victor Ho, former editor-in-chief of Sing Tao Daily (Canada’s largest Chinese-Canadian newspaper), told the inquiry that the majority of local Chinese media has been influenced by the CCP for years through various methods, including the control of traditional media and the export of digital influence via platforms including WeChat, TikTok, and Weibo. Ronald Leung, in his testimony, added that Beijing-controlled media have largely taken over the media industry serving the Chinese-Canadian community, with most outlets either owned by people in China or Hong Kong who are afraid to challenge Beijing’s propaganda.

Ho shared his experience at Sing Tao’s Vancouver office, where media ownership with ties to Hong Kong and China influenced editorial decisions, even though Sing Tao was technically owned by the Toronto Star. He noted that his boss, with direct ties to a Hong Kong-based media company with substantial commercial interests in mainland China, would sometimes question his editorial choices.

The Hogue inquiry has tabled intelligence documents from the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) indicating that China, as well as India, are deeply engaged in attempting to influence diaspora communities and elect MPs sympathetic to their interests through illicit funding and disinformation campaigns. Both countries are reported to use incentives to target individuals with status or influence in Canada through invitations to cultural events, expedited visa access, and political support.

Meanwhile, the CSIS assessment released at the inquiry confirmed that CCP-friendly narratives inundate Chinese-language media in Canada, steering away from dissent and engaging in pervasive censorship. The CSIS assessment also noted that Beijing’s ability to influence Chinese-language media shapes overseas public opinion and supports its transnational repression efforts and attempts to influence electoral outcomes.

Scott Shortliffe, executive director of broadcasting at the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, acknowledged the troubling nature of the CSIS reports when he appeared before the Hogue inquiry, but refrained from committing to banning Chinese state-owned media outlets, citing the CRTC’s reluctance to act as arbiters of truth.