by Bolade Omonijo
Vanguard Media
March 11, 2004

This week, parliamentarians across Africa gathered in Abuja, Nigeria for a two-day conference on corruption. Under the auspices of African Parliamentarians Against Corruption (APNAC), participants were expected to debate questions such as the role of parliaments in preventing crimes of laundering and the trafficking of minerals, money and humans, and the establishment of preventive mechanisms and the role of national parliaments in helping to recover looted wealth stashed in other countries, particularly in the West. “Perhaps,” writes reporter Bolade Omonijo, “the Canadian High Commissioner, who is expected to address the gathering, would be able to shed light on the last question.”

One of the main promises of the Obasanjo administration when it kicked off in 1999 was to fight corruption which the President identified as a hydra-headed monster. One of the first bills presented to the National Assembly was the Independent Corrupt Practices (and Other Related Offences) Bill. The bill was duly passed by that Assembly, thus making it one of the first Acts under the new democratic dispensation.

Many human rights activists condemned that Act which was considered too harsh. They argued that the law could be a potent weapon for a dictator to hunt the opposition. On the other hand, the President and the ruling party argued that existing law had too many loopholes which offenders were exploring to escape punishment.

Four years after, Nigeria is still deemed the most corrupt country in the world. In other parts of Africa, the situation is hardly better. On the Transparency International ranking list, no African country is in the first 10 positions. Despite the measures taken in the continent to tidy up Affairs, it is still considered a stinking continent. In Nigeria, for example, despite the plethora of laws in the statute books, most of the high profile offenders still manage to escape prosecution or at least hold it down. The estate of the late General Sani Abacha who is known to have embezzled public fund remains intact. The case filed against the controversial Senator Arthur Nzeribe by the Code of Conduct Bureau was mysteriously dropped. When the Senator averred that he was used to distribute money, he was not touched by the security forces. Allegations that contracts were inflated by the national legislators were dropped abruptly even when evidence of such unholy transactions were brought in to desecrate the hallowed chambers of the national assembly.

However, since the commencement of the second leg of the Fourth Republic, the executive arm has sent out signals that it is now determined to stem the tide of corruption. Chief Julius Makanjuola, a former Permanent Secretary of the Defence Ministry whose case before the ICPC had been pending since 1999 has been dismissed from civil service. Chief Sunday Afolabi, a former minister known to be very close to the President, one who in fact coordinated the Presidential campaign in the South West was also locked up and dragged before the law court for prosecution. He was not alone. He was in the same company with a serving minister, Alhaji Akwanga who was promptly sacked from the cabinet. So was a Solicitor General of the Federation. It was an indication that the president was determined to cleanse the augean stable.

Now, the legislators have decided to join the battle against this monster. And, in realisation of the need for collaboration across the African continent. Today, parliamentarians across the country will be gathered in Abuja to deliberate on the issue of corruption and what legislators could do at the level of law-making and in the process of exercising their oversight function on the executive arm of government to ensure that corrupt practices are no longer attractive. The collaborative effort would involve legislators on the African continent under the auspices of African Parliamentarians Against Corruption (APNAC). The body would be brainstorming over a period of two days on New Challenges in the Fight Against Corruption. Today, APNAC chairman, Hon Augustin Ruzindana is expected to flag-off the conference with a Welcome Address. To get the parliamentarians familiar with the international instruments on the theme, the first business session is to centre on the war against corruption.

Participants are expected to provide answers to questions such as: Given the nature of the trans-boundary corruption and the apparent inability of African governments to deal with it, what roles can parliaments play in preventing the crimes of laundering and trafficking of minerals, money and humans? What kind of effective preventive mechanisms need to be established and, what role can national parliaments play in the recovery of looted wealth stashed away in other countries, especially the West? Perhaps, the Canadian High Commissioner who is expected to address the gathering would be able to shed light on the last question.

Since all African countries are expected to have functional chapters of APNAC the conference is also expected to address the question on how the organisation’s national chapters could ensure that those countries that are yet to endorse the international conventions do so in good time.

With Nigeria hosting the conference, the business of the second day is expected to be the most fascinating. Transparency International is to present a working paper on how the civil society and the media could collaborate to establish and sustain national anti-corruption chapters. Participants are to focus on the examples of two countries- Senegal and Nigeria. The question to guide discussions on Nigeria is so direct and pointed that it is likely to excite passion. “Nigeria, as the largest democracy, what has been the role of parliament in ensuring the Freedom of Information for Civil Society and the media in investigation of corruption offences in the country?”

Indeed, the place of the media and the extent to which it is empowered is the main highlight of the 2003 Global Corruption Report. Transparency International showed that the degree of freedom in a country for the media to operate unhindered is important in the war against corruption. In most African countries, the Official Secrets Act, Sedition law and many others frustrate the reporters from doing their jobs. At a point in the Nigerian history there was the Decree Number Four of 1984 which assaulted the freedom of speech of citizens. Any article deemed to have embarrassed a public officer was deemed an assault against the state and it was punishable by imprisonment. Truth was no defence.

In Zambia, Zimbabwe and many other countries on the continent, there are conscious efforts to protect the public officer, even if it means causing injury to the public.

Africa remains the least developed of the continents of the world. Poverty had remained endemic, technology is at the most rudimentary level. The task of reversing the trend devolves on the leaders, in the executive, legislature and judiciary. There is a need for reorientation across the board involving the civil society itself, the media, and the security agencies.

The future starts from now. For the war to be sustained and won, there is a need for collaboration between the various sectors of the society. Both the leaders and the led must come together to say no more. To aid the process, the battle cannot be left to the federal institutions alone. This must have informed the decision to get the 36 state legislatures involved in the process. If the conference lives up to its billing and similar conferences are held regularly at regional, sub-regional, national and state levels, the future of Africa could be greater. It would be a demonstration that Africa, the sleeping giant, has awoken from its sleep.