March 1/2002

Three Gorges rural resettlement and its impact on the host population and the environment   by Chinese Academy of Sciences researchers

A case study in Wuqiao district, Wanxian city

1. Research background

According to the official figures, more than 1.2 million people must move to make way for the mammoth Three Gorges dam. More than 40% are rural people engaged in agricultural production, as Table 1 shows. The rural resettlement has involved three main methods: settling people in nearby areas; moving them to distant locations in groups; and encouraging migrants to relocate on their own initiative, perhaps by going to live with relatives or friends. Despite a policy shift [in 1999] toward encouraging rural migrants to move to remote parts of the country, in practice most rural migrants are still being resettled in the vicinity of the reservoir area.

Table 1. The inundated land and displaced population in the Three Gorges area by county (1992)*

*If “secondary relocation” and population growth during the period of resettlement are taken into account, the total number of migrants will be 1,220,000

As Table 2 shows, the Three Gorges area is a poverty-stricken region in comparison not only with Sichuan and Guangdong provinces but also with the 1998 national average in terms of per capita GDP and peasant income. With an area of 57,197 sq km and a population of 19,460,000, the Three Gorges area is characterized by a low level of economic development, given that the primary industry, agriculture, accounted for 28% of its GDP in 1999.

Agriculture in the Three Gorges area is further hampered by a particularly tight relationship between people and land, with just 0.07 ha of cultivated land for each person engaged in farming. Non-irrigated, sloped land predominates, accounting for 80% of the cultivated land, 30% of which is steeply sloped (=25°). Given the scarcity of land resources and the limitations on the population-supporting capacity of the reservoir area, more than three million people in the agricultural sector were “surplus labourers” in 2000. The situation has not only caused major difficulties in resettling rural migrants but has also created problems for the people and the environment in the regions that receive rural migrants displaced by the dam project.

Table 2. A comparison of per capita GDP & peasant income in the Three Gorges area, Sichuan and Guangdong

Yuan RMB

This study focuses on dynamic changes in land-use patterns, employment opportunities and household income before and after resettlement through a series of surveys and in-depth interviews with the migrants and the hosts in the resettlement site of Changling town, in the Wuqiao district of Wanxian city. As the results of the research reveal, resettling rural migrants in nearby areas has not only created many problems for the migrants themselves but has also had a profound impact on the existing residents in the host communities. Some lessons should be learned to avoid repeating similar problems in the future and to reduce the negative effects of resettlement on the host population and the reservoir environment.

2. Analysis of migrant resettlement

2. 1 A comparison of land resources in the original location and the resettlement site

As can be seen from Table 3, the migrants had more farmland per capita (0.08 ha) in their place of origin, Tailong town, than in the new location. More importantly, they could take advantage of the diversity of land resources in Tailong and pursue a variety of livelihoods, such as growing oranges in the orchards and fishing on the Yangtze River, two extremely important sources of income. Unfortunately, after resettlement, the migrants not only experienced a sudden decline in farmland per capita – 0.04 ha, just half the original amount – but also suffered a great loss of cash income, which had largely been earned by growing oranges, animal husbandry and other farming-related activities in their native town. Though Changling town was less than 20 km away from their place of origin, there were no orange orchards available in the new resettlement site. Some migrant households were further frustrated by the fact that they lost another important part of their livelihood – fishing – because the resettlement site is not situated by the river. As we see in the following analysis, for the migrants, a change in land resources had a significant impact on their household economy and employment after resettlement.

Table 3. A comparison of land use in the place of origin and resettlement site

% ha/person

2. 2 Change in household income after resettlement

Based on our tracking survey of 11 migrant households resettled in Changling town, it has been found that the structure of migrant household income underwent significant alteration after resettlement. As Table 4 shows, in their original site, Tailong town, forestry (mostly growing oranges), labour services and fishery accounted for most of their household income. After resettlement, the original structure of household income was dramatically altered, with commerce and services now predominating (41.3%), followed by labour services (29.15%). At the same time, forestry and fishery, which played a fundamental role in the migrants’ household economy before resettlement, became far less important due to the alteration of land resources after resettlement. Table 4. Household income before and after resettlement

%

More significantly, however, the migrants experienced a sharp drop in per capita income after displacement. As Table 5 shows, the average per capita income in the 11 households surveyed decreased from 3,431 yuan RMB in 1999 to 2,450 yuan RMB in 2000, a decline of 29%, with variations according to the work undertaken by the households. Those engaged in fishery plus farming were affected most by their displacement: Only one household is still conducting its original business, while the two other households had to start running other businesses. The household engaged in fishery plus farming in the resettlement site experienced the greatest drop in income, from 3,264 yuan RMB in 1999 to just 1,023 yuan RMB in 2000, a decline of 69%. It was more or less a similar story for the six households engaged in farming, though their per capita income fell by a smaller margin – down 35% – after resettlement. However, their income no longer comes from traditional activities such as growing oranges, farming and animal husbandry, but from working as labourers, which contributes to 62% of their total income per capita. Obviously, most migrants have to fight for survival as they face the challenge of a dismantled production system, which results directly from the changed conditions after their displacement. In the new resettlement villages, they have much less land to farm, conditions are poor for animal husbandry because less grain can be grown, and the forested mountain slopes are not ready to generate cash income. They have no choice but to make a living by working as floating labourers. Though still conducting their original business, the household engaged in transportation plus farming also experienced a sharp drop in total income per capita, about 58%, because of a dramatic decline in income not only from growing oranges but also from working as labourers. It is interesting to note that the households engaged in commercial business and services have been the least affected by displacement. Moreover, among the 11 migrant households surveyed, two households that engaged in fishery plus farming in 1999 shifted to commercial business and services in 2000. It appears that the resettlement site, Changling town, has provided more opportunities for developing businesses such as transportation, commerce and services, and helped these households transfer to new activities.

Table 5. Change in household income by household production category

2. 3 Change in employment patterns after resettlement The two-year study tracking 31 labourers from 11 migrant households found little apparent change in their employment pattern, with most labourers concurrently engaged in two or more activities in different sectors. Two labourers who had been engaged in farming shifted to the business and service sectors. Closer analysis of each labourer’s working day in different sectors does show an apparent shift from agricultural to non-agricultural sectors. This clearly reflects the fact that there is much less farmland available and more business opportunities in the new resettlement site, where the government of Changling town is located. The statistics indicate that labourers involved in traditional farming spent 67% of their working day on average on these activities before displacement, and that this percentage fell to less than 40% after resettlement. This marked change reflects the sharp drop in farmland per capita, and the resettlement site’s lower capacity to absorb agricultural labourers. As a result, rural migrants have slipped into a state of underemployment after resettlement, leading to a greater surplus of labourers in the resettlement site. Before resettlement, each labourer worked an annual average of 227.4 days, but this figure declined to 165.7 days a year in the new location (see Table 6).

Table 6. Migrant employment by sector in the resettlement site

workdays/year

Assuming that a labourer employed full-time works 300 days a year, the current employment rate after resettlement is 55%, with a surplus of 13 labourers. Before resettlement, the equivalent employment rate was 76%, with a surplus of just seven labourers. The trend is even more apparent in the agricultural sector: Before resettlement, 21 farm labourers worked an average of 209.5 days a year, but after resettlement, 19 farm labourers worked an annual average of 99.4 days. The reason is simple: Their original location had more farmland and orange orchards, which allowed more labourers to engage in farming, growing oranges and raising animals. Things have changed significantly since their displacement: Less farmland means low grain production, which has discouraged the development of animal husbandry. In addition, it will take some time to obtain any income from forestry, especially from the orange-growing business, which is in its infancy on the newly developed mountainside.

Resettlement appears to have a disproportionate impact on women. Before resettlement, women labourers worked an annual average of 240.8 days, but after resettlement the figure declined to 157 days. If each woman worked 300 days a year, the current employment rate would be only 52%, compared with 82% before resettlement.

3. The impact of urbanization and resettlement on the host population

The host population in Lishu village, where the government of Changling town is located, is being affected not only by the Three Gorges resettlement but also by the process of urbanization. The effects can be seen in three ways: alterations in land-use pattern, decline in incomes, and changes in the employment situation of local residents.

3. 1 Alterations in land-use pattern

In 1994, before urbanization and the arrival of migrants displaced by the Three Gorges dam, local farmers had a per capita average of 0.04 ha of cultivated land. All farmland (including cultivated land, garden plots, forest land and grassland) accounted for 56% of the area of the village. With urbanization and the arrival of rural migrants displaced by the dam, however, the cultivated land per capita and total farmland in the village have dropped dramatically. By 2000, as Table 7 shows, cultivated land per capita decreased to 0.02 ha/person, only half the original figure. At the same time, with the construction of settlements and industrial land and roads, farmland went from accounting for 56% of the area of the village in 1994 to 37% in 2000. This change in land-use pattern at the resettlement site has had a profound effect on household income and employment.

Table 7 Change in land-use pattern in Lishu village, Changling town % ha/person

3. 2 Income decline

Consistent monitoring of 20 host households found that, under the dual impact of urbanization and resettlement, local people earned less income from traditional farming than from the building, commerce and service sectors in the four-year period of the study. As Table 8 shows, the percentage of income from traditional farming decreased from 21% in 1997 to 14% in 2000, while the percentage of income from the construction industry, commerce and service sectors increased from 37% in 1997 to 57% in 2000.

The relocation program, undertaken in 1998, provided an opportunity for the development of local commerce and labour services, leading to an increase in income among local residents. But on the completion of the resettlement, it can be seen that among the monitored households in the host community, the percentage of income from farming has been in significant decline as a result of the shrinkage of available farmland in Lishu village. Per capita income declined from 3,255 yuan RMB in 1997 to 2,546 yuan RMB in 2000, though a small increase was recorded in 2000 compared with the previous year. Thirteen of the 20 host households monitored in Lishu village are still mainly engaged in farming, and have been most affected. The income per capita from farming decreased from 835 yuan RMB in 1997 to 535 yuan RMB in 2000, a direct result of the loss of farmland to urbanization and resettlement. Their situation was made worse by a lack of financial resources and of modern agricultural techniques, and by their heavy dependence on land resources.

Table 8. The composition of household income and total income per capita of local residents

%, yuan/person

3. 3 Changing employment patterns

After monitoring 20 host households in Lishu village from 1997 to 2000, two trends in employment can be observed (see Table 9): 1) a shift from farming (including forestry and husbandry) to non-farming activities, particularly to commerce and services. This was the result of a rapid decline in farmland caused both by the resettlement and the process of urbanization; 2) a significant decrease in total workdays, especially a drastic decrease of workdays in farming-related activities and a significant increase of workdays in non-farm work. Despite a shift in employment from agriculture to non-agricultural sectors, insufficient non-farm job opportunities have been available because of the area’s low level of economic development and limited capacity to absorb rural labourers. At the same time, local labourers were forced to quit agricultural activities as a result of the rapid reduction of farmland caused by the resettlement and urbanization. Thus, labourers in the host population put in an average of 258 working days in 1997 but only 196 in 2000. If each labourer were to work 300 days a year, the employment rate was 86%, with a surplus of seven labourers in 1997. But in 2000, the employment rate among local residents had decreased to 65%, with a surplus of 16 labourers. In 1997, only three labourers travelled outside the reservoir region to find work, but in 2000, seven people joined the “floating population” of workers.

Table 9. Employment pattern of local residents by sector

workdays/persons

As with the migrant women, and under the dual impact of the resettlement and urbanization, female labourers in the host population have been affected disproportionately. This is because more women than men are engaged in traditional farm work. According to our findings, female labourers worked an annual average of 250.5 days in 1997 but the figure dropped to 188.5 in 2000. If each female labourer were to work 300 days a year, the 1997 employment rate was 84%, falling to only 63% in 2000.

4. Sustainable development: problems, policy and solutions

This study focuses on the rural migrants who have been resettled in the peri-urban area around Wanxian city. Our research found that these migrants experienced fewer social and cultural problems than some others in integrating themselves into the host society. A simple explanation is that differences in language, lifestyle and production mode between the resettlers and the local residents are barely significant since the original and the new locations are only 20 km apart. However, it appears that similar problems related to livelihood and sustainable development confront both the migrant and local populations.

The first problem is a serious shortage of farmland. It is somewhat surprising to note that local farmers suffer more from the resettlement and urbanization than the migrants do. One reason for this appears to be that the state resettlement policy guaranteed migrants a per capita average of 0.04 ha of farmland, while the host population was persuaded, sometimes forcibly, to hand over part of their land to the migrants. As a result, local farmers had an average of 0.02 ha per capita left for themselves, just half the size of the migrants’ land-holdings and one-quarter of the national average. Therefore, a critical question remains to be answered: how to find new livelihoods not only for migrants but for local people as well.

Secondly, both migrants and locals have suffered a continuous decline in household income. Affected by the macro-economy of the country as a whole, and the economy of the reservoir area in particular, a substantial decline in income from traditional agriculture can be seen. The poverty-stricken reservoir area seems to have suffered more from this trend because of the weak local economic foundations, a limited labour market and growing competition from other regions in developing non-farm industries and products. Apart from households with members working in the construction industry, both migrants and locals engaged in all other production categories are experiencing a steady decline in household income.

Thirdly, unemployment and underemployment are particularly serious problems faced by both the migrant and local populations. The employment rate among migrants was 76% before displacement, but the rate dropped to just 55% after their resettlement. For the host population, the employment rate was 86% in 1997 but only 65% in 2000. It can be anticipated that, inevitably, a large jobless army is likely to harm the local economy and trigger social unrest in the Three Gorges area.

Finally, a low level of education and technical skill among both the migrant and host populations will have a negative impact on future sustainable development in the reservoir area. Based on our survey in 2000, the migrants had an average of 6.52 years of schooling, while the host population had an average of 5.95 years. Workers in factories, the construction industry and in commerce and services had more education than agricultural labourers, who had 5.47 years of schooling (migrants) and 4.36 years (host population). These figures give an indication of why both migrant and local labourers are experiencing a great deal of difficulty in shifting from farm work to non-agricultural sectors.

In sum, both migrants and the host population in the resettlement region have enough food to eat and clothes to wear, at a very basic level. But it also appears obvious that the resettlement zone, starting off in a disadvantaged position, will face a number of challenges. These include narrow scope for further development, shortage of land and of economic and human resources, poor competitive capacity in a market-oriented economy, and restricted ability to commit to self-development and improvement of the standard of living. In terms of attaining the goal of a comparatively high standard of living for China as a whole and the reservoir area in particular, the surveyed region faces heavy odds. Thus it can be expected that the gap between the reservoir area and the rest of the country in terms of economic growth and social development will grow wider at an alarming rate. Without a doubt there will be a great deal of work to be done to promote sustainable development and maintain social stability in the reservoir area.

As discussed in the above analysis, the fundamental problem faced by migrants and locals is how to create new livelihoods or job opportunities so as to increase their household income and improve their standard of living. We propose two major solutions based on local conditions as well as the economic environment outside the reservoir area.

First of all, special emphasis should be placed on strengthening skills training for labourers and organizing the export of labour to areas outside the reservoir region. Because of the shortage of natural resources and lack of scope for expanding non-farm industries, creating new job opportunities in the resettlement site seems highly unlikely. One possible solution is to organize local labourers to work in other parts of the country after taking government-funded technical and skills-training programs. Our survey has discovered that those people working as “floating laborers” outside the region have an annual net income ranging from 4,000 to 5,000 yuan RMB, much higher than that of labourers working in the reservoir area. We believe that exporting trained local labourers will be a win-win situation that will serve to increase household income for both migrants and locals, and reduce the pressure of labour oversupply in the resettlement site.

Another solution involves developing market-oriented agriculture, so as to employ more labourers and increase household incomes. By taking advantage of their favourable location – near the urban district of Wuqiao and just 15 km away from urban Wanxian – local officials and residents in Lishu village should consider a new approach to agriculture, which traditionally has been dependent on grain-growing and fruit tree-planting. More attention should be paid to developing “high value-added” agriculture, with a focus on growing produce such as vegetables and flowers for urban residents. Growing 1 ha of vegetables can earn revenue of 150,000 yuan RMB and a net income of 75,000 yuan RMB annually, much higher than can be earned growing grain and planting trees. In addition, more labourers can be employed in such businesses, compared with traditional agriculture. As far as market potential is concerned, the demand for such produce is only going to rise, given that most of the original land used for growing vegetables and flowers in Wanxian is due to be flooded by the dam reservoir or occupied by buildings in the new town of Wanxian.

Nevertheless, as we know, tough tasks remain: how to guide migrants and locals used to traditional ways in new directions, and how to equip them with the advanced technology and skills they need to develop modern agriculture in the near future.

Building the Three Gorges dam has involved many rural people and a variety of resettlement methods. This research has focused on just a small group of migrants and a few of the resettlement categories. Moreover, the study was carried out over a limited period, just four years, making it difficult to identify all the problems related to the resettlement. Further studies are obviously needed.